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Thursday, July 4, 2019

Disaster on the Horns of Hattin - July 4, 1187

The crushing defeat of the feudal army of the Kingdom of Jerusalem by Saladin at the Battle of Hattin was one of the most significant disasters in medieval military history.  Christian casualties at the battle were so enormous that the defense of the rest of the Kingdom of Jerusalem became impossible. In consequence, the defeat at Hattin led directly to the loss of the entire kingdom including the city of Jerusalem itself. Today I provide a short analysis of the battle and its significance.


Medieval Depiction of the Battle of Hattin, July 4, 1187

The importance of Hattin to contemporaries was not just the magnitude of the defeat, but the unexpectedness of it.  In retrospect, the Muslim victory seems inevitable. Muslim states had always surrounded the crusader kingdom (as they hem in Israel today) and the Muslim rulers had always been able to call on much larger military forces than their Christian opponents.  In the early years of Latin presence in the Holy Land, the divisions among the Muslim leaders, most especially the rivalry and hatred between Shiite Caliphate of Cairo and the Sunni Caliphate of Baghdad, had played into Christian hands.  However, once Saladin had managed to unite Syria and Egypt under a single, charismatic leader the balance of power clearly tipped to the Muslims. 

However, Christian armies under Baldwin IV of Jerusalem and Richard I of England defeated Saladin on the battlefield more than once.  Saladin was a powerful, charismatic and clever commander, who knew how to deploy his forces effectively and use terrain to his advantage — but he was not invincible. Indeed, he was dealt a defeat every bit as devastating as Hattin in November 1177 at the Battle of Montgisard. His invading army was annihilated, and he himself had to flee on the back of a pack-camel. In July 1182, the Christian army under Baldwin IV stopped another full-scale invasion by Saladin, forcing him to withdraw across the Jordan with comparatively few Christian losses. In June the following year, 1183, the Christian army confronted yet another invasion on an even larger force and again forced Saladin to withdraw — this time without even engaging in an all-out battle.




Despite these apparent successes, it was clear to the King of Jerusalem that Saladin was getting stronger with each new invasion attempt.  Saladin had increased his own power base from Cairo and Damascus to Aleppo, Homs, and Mosul, while the Christians had no new infusions of blood, territory or income. In consequence, in 1184 Baldwin IV sent a frantic plea to the West, begging for a new crusade and offering the Western leader — whoever he might be — the keys to the kingdom. The lack of response reflected Western complacency about the threat to Jerusalem and implicit confidence in the ability of Baldwin and his barons to continue to defeat Saladin’s attempts to push the Christian kingdom into the sea.

It was because of Baldwin’s earlier successes against Saladin, that the news of Hattin and the loss of Jerusalem shocked the West, allegedly causing the immediate death of Pope Urban III. How was it possible that a young and vigorous king, Guy I, could lead the same army to defeat that a youth suffering from leprosy (and only commanding his armies from a liter) had led to victory again and again?  


Rarely in human history has a defeat been so wholly attributable to poor generalship on the losing side as at Hattin. To be sure, Saladin set a trap for the Christian armies. The bait was the citizens and garrison of Tiberius under the command of the Countess of Tripoli, who were besieged in the citadel after the fall of the city on July 2. 

The Christian army was mustered at Sephorie, only some 15 miles to the west. The pleas for help from the Countess and Tiberius naturally evoked a response from the Christian army, most notably her four grown sons.  But the Count of Tripoli himself warned that it was a trap and opposed the decision to go to the aid of his wife and Tiberius. Tripoli’s reasoning convinced the majority of his peers and the council of war composed of the leading barons agreed to stay where they were and force Saladin to come to them. However, the Grand Master of the Temple went separately and secretly to King Guy after the council dispersed and convinced him to order the advance for the following day. In short, although warned, King Guy took the bait.

To relieve Tiberius, the Christian army had to cross territory that was at this time of year devoid of fodder for the horses and where water sources were widely dispersed. With Saladin’s forces already occupying the springs at Cafarsset on the southern route from Sephorie to Tiberias, the Christian had no choice but to follow the northern track. Intense heat and harassment by the enemy slowed the Christian march to a crawl, and by noon on July 3, the Christian army had advanced only six miles to the springs of Turan.  With nine miles more to go, it was clear the army could not reach Tiberius before nightfall and prudence alone should have dictated a halt at Turan, where men and horses could rest and drink. Instead, King Guy, against all reason, ordered the advance to continue. Immediately, Saladin sent his troops to occupy Turan, thereby not-only blocking the Christian retreat but harassing the Christian rear-guard and further slowing the rate of advance.

A depiction of the Christian army advancing toward Hattin carrying the “True Cross”
from the film “The Kingdom of Heaven”


When darkness fell on July 3, the Christian army was still six miles short of its objective and forced to camp in an open field completely surrounded by enemy forces.  The Christians had been marching and fighting for hours without water in the intense heat of a Palestinian summer. Men and horses were exhausted and further demoralized by the sound of Saracen drums surrounding them and the countless campfires advertising the enemy’s strength.

By morning, those fires were brush-fires intentionally set ablaze to windward of the Christian army in a maneuver that dried their already parched throats further while half-blinding them with smoke. Out of the smoke came volleys of arrows, and again “some of the Christian lords” urged King Guy to charge Saladin’s position at once, in an attempt to win the battle by killing the Sultan.  King Guy instead chose to try to march the entire army toward the springs of Hattin, still some three miles away and cut off by one wing of Saladin’s army.

While the Frankish cavalry tried to drive off the Saracens in a series of charges, the infantry stumbled forward until, half-blinded by smoke, constantly attacked by the enemy and near dying of thirst, their morale broke.  As casualties mounted, some of the infantry retreated up the slopes of the “horns” of Hattin, two steep hills that flanked the plane on which the army had camped and now marched. They refused to fight any more. 


Meanwhile, the Count of Tripoli with his knights and Lord Reginald of Sidon finally broke-through the surrounding enemy, charging east toward the Lake of Tiberius.  The Christian infantry that had not fled up the slopes tried to follow in the wake of the cavalry, but the Saracens under the command of one of Saladin’s nephews stepped aside to let the armored knights through and then closed ranks again, cutting off the Christian infantry that was cut down or taken captive.

By now it was late afternoon, and with the infantry either already slaughtered or refusing to come down from the hilltop, King Guy ordered his knights to retreat up the slope as well. At this stage, many of the knights were fighting on foot because their horses had been killed after the infantry cover was withdrawn.  It was probably at this point in the battle that the relic, believed to be a piece of the cross on which Christ was crucified, was lost. The Bishop of Acre, who had been carrying it, was killed. The loss of this most precious relic — believed to have brought victory in dozens of earlier battles was devastating to Christian morale.




The final stages of the Battle of Hattin as depicted in the film “The Kingdom of Heaven”



But still, King Guy did not surrender.  The few knights who were still mounted made one (or two) last desperate charge(s) to try to kill Saladin, who was mounted and clearly identifiable among his troops.  One of these charges was probably lead by Balian d’Ibelin. One charge came close enough to Saladin for him to have to shout encouragement to his men.  While Ibelin and his knights were able to cut through the enemy, like Tripoli before them, they enemy rapidly closed ranks behind them.  They found they had no means of fighting their way back up-hill to relieve the infantry. Within minutes, King Guy’s last position was over-run and he along with most of his barons were taken prisoner.

Of the roughly 20,000 Christian soldiers who had set out from Sephorie, only an estimated 3,000 infantry managed somehow to escape into the surrounding countryside and eventually take refuge in the castles and walled towns then still in Frankish hands. Of the 1,200 knights and barons that mustered for the battle, only four barons, Tripoli, Sidon, Edessa, and Ibelin, escaped capture along with maybe 100 - 200 knights. The remainder including the King of Jerusalem, the Masters of the Temple and Hospital, the Constable Aimery de Lusignan, the Lords of Oultrajourdain, Toron, Gibelet, and others — effectively the entire nobility of the Kingdom of Jerusalem were taken captive. While the majority of these lords and knights were held for ransom, the 230 Templars and Hospitallers that survived the battle were executed at Saladin’s orders. 


Medieval painting of prisoners being led away (here by a Christian king)



Hattin is a major episode in the second book of my Balian d'Ibelin trilogy, "Defender of Jerusalem."

Dr. Helena P. Schrader holds a PhD in History.
She is the Chief Editor of the Real Crusades History Blog.
She is an award-winning novelist and author of numerous books both fiction and non-fiction. Her three-part biography of Balian d'Ibelin won a total of 14 literary accolades. Her current series describes the civil war in Outremer between Emperor Frederick andthe barons led by John d'Ibelin the Lord of Beirut. Dr. Schrader is also working on a non-fiction book describing the crusader kingdoms. You can find out more at: http://crusaderkingdoms.com

Thursday, June 27, 2019

Frankish MIlitary Innovations: Mounted Archers

The development of "fighting boxes" composed of infantry and cavalry fighting -- and moving -- as a tightly disciplined unit was a radical innovation in the fighting tactics of the medieval armies of the 12th and 13th centuries. The Frankish armies of Outremer developed and employed this tactic to great effect in countless battles, but it was not the only tactical innovation that enabled the crusader states to survive despite being surrounded by numerically superior enemies intent on pushing them into the sea. The other -- far too often overlooked -- innovation was the introduction of mounted archers. Yuval Harari has provided documentation to show that this arm made up on average 50% of the mounted strength of the armies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Today I look at the forgotten mounted archers of the crusader states.



There was no tradition of mounted archers in Western Europe due to: 1) the cost of raising and maintaining horses of sufficient strength, agility, and intelligence to be suitable for mounted combat and 2) to the broken and wooded terrain that did not favor this kind of troops. The limited numbers of horses suitable for combat were bred to carry knights in full armor, i.e. for strength more than speed. The weapons of the knights, furthermore, were the lance and the sword, and the ethos of chivalry was one of individual "prowess" in close combat, man-to-man. Archery, by nature a long-distance weapon, was the province of mercenaries (who were proficient with cross-bows) and, later, the "yeoman" class that became the backbone of later English armies with their unique longbows. But that was still in the future. In the age of the crusades, "archery" in Europe was viewed primarily as a defensive weapon, useful first and foremost in siege warfare.

In the Middle East, in contrast, the open steppe was ideal both for the breeding, rearing and the deployment of light cavalry. The Crusaders came in contact with the superb horse-archers of the Turks almost as soon as they crossed into Asia. Turkish mounted archers had by the First Crusade already conquered most of central Asia. They were a formidable enemy and the Franks who settled in Outremer and faced the Turkish archers in every engagement learned to respect them. They also rapidly recognized the advantages that this kind of warrior offered in the environment that they now inhabited.


The fighting box (described last week) was a tactical formation that protected the heavy cavalry and enabled it to save its strength for a massed charged. It was invaluable during a fighting retreat. It was highly effective in a set-piece battle. But it was worthless for other kinds of military operations.


The Franks recognized that they needed light cavalry capable of conducting reconnaissance, carrying out hit-and-run raids, and providing a protective screen for their “fighting box.” While the first two of these functions were handled by knights in the West, this option was not available in the crusader states because of the nature of the terrain and the enemy. The heavy horses of the Franks, bred to carry fully armored knights, could not — one on one — escape the faster, lighter horses of the Turks. Heavy cavalry deployed on reconnaissance, therefore, was more likely to be ambushed and eliminated than get back with the intelligence needed by the main army. 

Light cavalry could also be used for hit-and-run raids against enemy camps or territory. Again, only the faster, native horses carrying lightly armored riders armed with bows were suitable for this kind of task. Light cavalry was also essential for communication as fleet messengers who at least had a chance of out-running any enemy were necessary to bring messages from one army unit to another or between a castle and a field army. 




The Franks not only recognized the need for light cavalry, they were remarkably rapid in developing it. Already by 1109, there are references in the primary sources to these troops. From that point forward, they played an increasingly important role in the fighting tactics and military successes of the Frankish armies of Outremer, in some cases operating independently, and in other cases in support of the infantry and heavy cavalry. Like the “fighting box,” they contributed substantially to the ability of the Frankish kingdoms to survive for two hundred years despite being dramatically outnumbered by their opponents.

That is a remarkable achievement. Mastering horsemanship to the point where a man could survive in mounted combat took years -- literally. The 13th-century scholar Philip de Novare noted: "he will never ride well who did not learn it when young."[1] Mastering archery even from solid ground took equally as long. Becoming an effectively mounted archer took years and years of very hard, concentrated training. It did not happen overnight. It required having the time (i.e. leisure) to train and the money for horses -- one of the most expensive commodities in the Middle Ages. In short, poor people did not become mounted archers -- unless they were the slaves of rich people such as the Mamluks of the Saracens. This was not the tradition in the Crusader kingdoms that never employed slave soldiers in any capacity.

So who were the mounted archers of the Crusader kingdoms and where did they come from? 

Frankish mounted archers are misleadingly but consistently referred to as “Turcopoles” in the primary sources of the period. Despite the name, which was borrowed from the Byzantines, the term “Turcopole” in the context of the crusader states refers not to an ethnic group but simply to “mounted archers” — of diverse ethnic character.



The “Turcopoles” were not Muslim converts much less Muslim troops, as Yuval Harari demonstrates in his lengthy essay on the topic. [2] Harari notes: 
"Though the scale of Muslim conversion and desertion was relatively extensive...it is doubtful whether the Franks in general, and the military orders in particular, would have agreed to rely on troops of Muslim origin." [3]
Furthermore, had they been apostate Muslims they would have been the object of outrage and horror in the entire Islamic world, something that would have been reflected in Muslim sources -- but is not. On the contrary, not only are they referred to neutrally there are numerous instances of prisoner exchanges involving Turcopoles. Had the Turcopoles been apostate Muslims that would have been impossible, since Sharia law prescribes execution for anyone who abjures Islam. There is not one instance where Turcopoles are singled out for verbal or physical abuse in the Muslim sources -- most of which were written by religious scholars with an acute sense of religious duty and understanding of Sharia law. 

Nor were the Turcopoles the children of mixed marriages. Harari notes that in all his research he failed to find a single documented case of a "half-caste Turcople."[4] The numbers also speak against this thesis. The number of Turcopoles at the Battle of Hattin alone, for example, was 4,000 according to the Brevis Historia. Based on numbers at 16 different engagements and other references, Harari concludes that the Turcopoles made up on average 50% of the mounted force fielded by the Franks.[5] Furthermore, both the Templars and Hospitallers had Turcopoles integrated into their organizations and their Rule carefully accounts for them.  

The most reasonable explanation of who the Turcopoles were is that they were primarily native (Orthodox) Christians. The principal objection to this conclusion is that four hundred years of Muslim oppression during which the Christian population had been prohibited from riding horses and carrying arms eliminated any military traditions and capacity. Certainly -- in the first generation. Which, incidentally, explains why the Turcopoles referred to in the early battles did not do particularly well.  

Two to three generations later, however, the situation was obviously different. Furthermore, the argument of "no military tradition" does not apply to the Armenians, who were a significant minority in the crusader kingdoms. There are also documented cases of native Christians becoming knights.[6] Indeed, there are instances of native Christians having command authority over Franks. [7] If they could become knights (i.e. heavy cavalrymen), there is no reason why they could not have become light cavalrymen.  

Last but not least, the value of light cavalry in the context of Outremer increased if the Frankish light cavalry would pass for Turkish cavalry and blend in with a native population that consisted primarily of Orthodox Christians with a large Muslim minority. These characteristics and a fluent/native command of Arabic was essential for Turcopoles to conduct intelligence and reconnaissance effectively -- as they demonstrably did on numerous occasions.  As I have pointed out elsewhere, the excellent intelligence enjoyed by the Kingdom Jerusalem enabled the Franks to muster their armies in time to confront invading Muslim forces again and again. Indeed, Michael Ehrlich in his reassessment of the Battle of Montgisard in 1177, underlines how superior Frankish reconnaissance and intelligence was in this Christian victory -- a victory that is often treated as "a miracle" or simply "good luck." [8]

The Turcopoles of Outremer deserve far more attention and credit than they have been given by historians and novelists to date!

[1]  Novare quoted in Joshua Prawer, "Social Classes in the Latin KIngdom," A History of the Crusades Volume Five: The Impact of the Crusades on the Near East," editors Norman Zacour and Harry Hazard (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1985) 125.
[2] Yuval Harari, “The Military role of the Frankish Turcopoles: A Reassessment,” Mediterranean Historical Review, 12:1, 75-116.

[3]  Harari, 105.
[4] Harari, 102.
[5] Harari, 75-86.
[6] Christopher MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East: Rought Tolerance (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Univ. Press, 2008), 153-156.
[7] Harari, 104.
[8] Michael Ehrlich, "Saint Cather's Day Miracle - the Battle of Montgisard," Journal of Medieval Military History, Vol. XI, 95-106.

Turcopoles feature in nearly all my novels set in the crusader states, particularly Knight of Jerusalem and Rebels against Tyranny.
 








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Dr. Helena P. Schrader holds a PhD in History.
She is the Chief Editor of the Real Crusades History Blog.
She is an award-winning novelist and author of numerous books both fiction and non-fiction. Her three-part biography of Balian d'Ibelin won a total of 14 literary accolades. Her current series describes the civil war in Outremer between Emperor Frederick andthe barons led by John d'Ibelin the Lord of Beirut. Dr. Schrader is also working on a non-fiction book describing the crusader kingdoms. You can find out more at: http://crusaderkingdoms.com