The Statue of Richard the Lionheart in front of the Houses of Parliament, London |
Over
the years, I have provided short biographies of the historical characters who
figure prominently in my Jerusalem trilogy. One character, however, I have
avoided up to now: Richard the Lionheart.
Richard
I Plantagenet, King of England, is -- even after more than 800 years -- somewhat intimidating. He is one of those historical figures, who is more
legendary than historical. He has been rendered in art in a variety of forms
and he generally comes out “larger than life.” Legends of his courage circulated
even in his lifetime and after his death became more exaggerated. Richard
was seen as the (at least spiritual) descendant of Alexander the Great, Charlemagne, and King Arthur. He was
remembered in medieval romances as the incarnation of chivalry, the perfect
royal-knight, as Jean Flori documents extensively in his biography of Richard.
(Richard the Lionheart, Jean Flori,
Praeger Publishers, 2006.) Richard the Lionheart’s popularity even in popular
culture goes back at least to the time of the first Robin Hood legends –
whenever that was!
He
was, however, as a historical figure, highly controversial even in his own
lifetime. He was seen by the Church as excessively proud, greedy and sexual
(more on this later). Contemporary clerical chroniclers saw his death as “divine
justice” for his sins, and they compared his reign unfavorably with that of his
father. Richard was disliked by the German Emperor and hated by the French King.
He was called “the devil” by his own brother John (not the best person to be
calling names, but be that as it may….) On the other hand, there can be little
doubt he was adored not only by his hard-headed, practical and highly political
mother, but also by his troops. Despite the best efforts of his brother John
and the King of France, he retained the loyalty of most of his vassals and subjects
as well.
Early
historians tended to place Richard in the “great” category, but during the
Enlightenment, when the crusades were detested as “irrational,” Richard’s
reputation among historians started to fade. The famous historian David Hume
described Richard as violent, irrational, and excessively passionate. William
Stubbs, an important 19th century historian, considered him a “bad
ruler.” Sir Stephen Runciman, the most influential historian of the crusades in
the early 20th century, called Richard “a bad son, a bad husband and
a bad king”.
To
this day historians and informed laymen tend to fall into “pro” or “con” camps.
It seems as if people can’t be neutral about Richard. The main sources of contemporary contention are:
1) whether Richard was a “good” or a “bad” king of England; 2) whether Richard
was homosexual or not; and 3) whether Richard was a stupid, bloodthirsty brute or
an intelligent and judicious nobleman and commander.
Richard the Lionheart's Tomb at Fontevrault Abbey |
In
researching Richard Plantagenet for his role in Envoy of Jerusalem, I came to the following personal understanding
of this complex and controversial king:
First
and foremost, Richard was a product of his age, birth and upbringing. Born a
prince to two of the most ambitious, politically savvy, proud and passionate
people of the 12th century, Richard had little chance of being humble,
meek, dispassionate, indecisive, or easy-going. None of his brothers exhibited
particular restraint, humility or benevolence toward their enemies either. Known even in their own time as “the devil’s
brood,” the Plantagenets fought their father and they fought each other as well
as their liege lord Philip II and any and every rebellious vassal for what they perceived
as their “rights” – their titles, their territory, their castles, their
lands.
The Tomb of Richard's Parents, Eleanor of Aquitaine and Henry II |
Richard
was, furthermore, only 13 when he was first invested with authority as Duke of
Aquitaine. While children in the Middle Ages undoubtedly grew up faster than
children do today, that is still a very young age to be raised to such high
status. It is hard to imagine that the dignity, power and importance of this
title did not go to his head.
Certainly,
Richard identified with Aquitaine far more powerfully and emotionally than he
ever did with England or Normandy. He spent almost no time in England as a
child, and not until the death of his elder brother Henry the Young in 1183 did
he expect to become King of England.
Even then, his father kept him guessing about whether he would be
recognized as heir or not. It was literally not until his father died in 1189 that
Richard had a bond with England. By then he was 32 years old and had already
taken the cross. In short, his mind was focused elsewhere. So, no, he neither
spent much time in nor cared particularly about England. But that does not
necessarily make him a “bad” king. Indeed, it was not until the 18th
century that the English “disowned” him. Throughout the Middle Ages, Richard
was revered as one of England’s greatest kings, as a king who made England
proud because his glorious reputation reflected well upon his kingdom and
subjects.
Another
thing I learned was that Richard’s relationship with his father was far more
complex than that of an impatient and rebellious son. From 1173 to 1183,
Richard and his father fought almost continuously together – against the French
King, against the rebellious lords of Aquitaine, against Richard’s brothers.
They were allied again 1184 – 1187. I hypothesize that the bitterness of the
final break (that led indeed to Richard hounding his father to his grave) was a
function of the intensity of Richard’s earlier love for his father. Richard felt
betrayed by a man he had come to love, and it was this sense of betrayal that turned love into
hatred.
That Richard loved his mother deeply is unquestionable. He had been with
her at her court in Poitiers from the ages of nine to thirteen. As Duke of
Aquitaine he identified with her and her heritage. He surrendered the Aquitaine
to her and her alone, trusting her not to give it to one of his brothers. His
very first act as king was to order her release from detention. He sought her
advice when he was with her and entrusted her with royal authority during his
absence. Arguably there was no other human being that he trusted as much as he
trusted his mother, and rightly so. She, more than anyone, held his kingdom together
in the face of rebellions and secured his release from German captivity.
But
Richard was anything but a “mama’s boy.” He was strong, athletic, and
comradely. He won the affection of his troops because he could swear, fight and
whore as hard as they did. Indeed, the Church was highly critical of his sexual
excesses. It has become popular to impute homosexuality to Richard, but there
is no evidence that he was suspected of this in his own time. Certainly, he had
mistresses and at least one illegitimate son, so if he was also a practicing
homosexual he was bi-sexual. We will probably never know what his sexual
preferences were and, frankly, I don’t much care.
What
did strike me as exceptional, however, was his willingness to do manual labor. This
was anything but self-evident in a medieval nobleman, much less a king. Yet the
Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis
Ricardi claims that Richard helped rebuild the defenses of Ascalon “with
his own hands,” and describes his example inspiring everyone to work together
to hand the stones up to the wall (Book 5, Chapter 6). The willingness to do
menial labor reveals just how sure Richard felt in his own skin. He was so sure
of his own innate nobility that he had no need of royal symbols or ceremony. It
was perhaps this trait that enabled him to endure captivity at the hands of the Holy
Roman Emperor.
I
was also impressed with Richard’s financial savvy. His ability and willingness to invent
new means of raising revenues when preparing for the crusade would not have
disgraced an investment banker in the 1980s! His astute sale of the Island of
Cyprus to the (rich and financially liquid) Knights Templar, thereby refilling
his own coffers while securing the military objective of ensuring Latin
control of this strategically vital island was a stroke of genius. His re-sale
of the island to Guy de Lusignan was almost equally shrewd, again giving him
resources while also easing a delicate political issue: what to do with a
deposed king, who has been your client?
Almost equally impressive was his diplomatic skills and his intelligence. Richard was put in front of a kangaroo court stacked against him by Emperor Henry VI -- and talked his way into a complete acquittal! That is a remarkable achievement. He also diplomatically out-maneuvered Philip II of France, drawing one important supporter after another out of his rivals camp.
Finally, I was won over by Richard’s leadership style. Richard was a brilliant strategist – who also led from the front. He risked his own life, but was very cautious with the lives of his soldiers. He understood logistics as well as strategy, and he won his battles with a combination of careful planning and sheer audacity. As one of my readers put it, in the end, I just had to love Richard.
Richard the Lionheart is a central figure in Envoy of Jerusalem, and I have attempted to do justice to him in my portrayal of him there. Buy now in paperback or kindle!
Almost equally impressive was his diplomatic skills and his intelligence. Richard was put in front of a kangaroo court stacked against him by Emperor Henry VI -- and talked his way into a complete acquittal! That is a remarkable achievement. He also diplomatically out-maneuvered Philip II of France, drawing one important supporter after another out of his rivals camp.
Finally, I was won over by Richard’s leadership style. Richard was a brilliant strategist – who also led from the front. He risked his own life, but was very cautious with the lives of his soldiers. He understood logistics as well as strategy, and he won his battles with a combination of careful planning and sheer audacity. As one of my readers put it, in the end, I just had to love Richard.
Richard the Lionheart is a central figure in Envoy of Jerusalem, and I have attempted to do justice to him in my portrayal of him there. Buy now in paperback or kindle!
Successful people are always resented. I take anything said against them with a grin of salt.
ReplyDeleteMay I take some very slight issue on a couple of details? Wasn't it Philip II and not John who described Richard as "the Devil" in a message sent to John? (Of course, if Giraldus is correct, Richard himself was fond of referring to the legend that he was descended from a she-devil.)
ReplyDeleteI wouldn't exactly refer to the diet at Speyer as a "kangaroo court." It was hardly a court in the modern sense at all; Richard would hardly have consented to being tried by the Emperor, and indeed, Hoveden tells us that he asserted that he recognized no superior but God alone. Further, many of Richard's powerful German supporters (some of them his own relatives) would have been present, nobles and prelates who were by no means predisposed to favor the Staufen cause. (Richard, indeed, seems to have become something of a hero to many in Germany; the poet Wolfram von Eschenbach is thought to have modeled his Gahmuret von Anschouwe (i.e., Anjou), the father of his protagonist Parzival, on the English king, and Walther von der Vogelweide referred to him as a pattern for rulers (especially since he knew how to be generous to poets!).) Speyer was more likely what we might call a "photo op" for Heinrich VI, a method of justifying himself to the world for kidnapping a crusader by staging a public reconciliation. It is of a piece with his euphemistic description of the (literal) king's ransom he demanded from Richard as a fee for reconciling Richard with his overlord King Philip.
Key here....operation overlird.
DeleteKey here....operation overlord.
DeleteWas it not Philippe Auguste who called Richard "devil"? In a letter of warning sent to John upon Richard's release from the German captivity?
ReplyDeleteAnyway, Richard always is a great subject to be discussed :)
Have always thought it a testament, not only to Richard, but to his father that England was able to function so well without Richard's constant presence. Henry's attention to administrative and legal reforms helped establish a very stable base that was handed on to Richard. Could be his political savvy allowed him to notice that point and use it to handle situations beyond England that he deemed more critical.
ReplyDelete