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Wednesday, October 4, 2023

House of Ibelin: Baldwin of Ramla

 Although historically he would be overshadowed by his younger brother Balian, Baldwin of Ramla was the more prominent of the surviving Ibelin brothers at Hugh's death. He succeeded to his maternal barony at her death and his father's smaller lordship at his brother's death. He was exceptionally ambitious and hoped to gain a crown by marriage. In the end, however, his very pride reduced him to landless poverty. In many ways, Baldwin of Ibelin was a quintessential medieval nobleman with many of the virtues and weakness of the feudal elites in the age of chivalry.

 

Baldwin, Barisan’s second son, was only 5 years old when his father died. [1] His mother remarried the same year, taking the powerful Manassas of Hierges – a close adherent of Queen Melisende – as her second husband. The marriage aroused the ire of Hugh d’Ibelin because, according to William of Tyre, it removed the wealth and prestige of the barony of Ramla from his command. Since Helvis’ second marriage would hardly have impinged on Hugh’s claim to Ramla had he been Helvis’ son, the issue at stake was control of Baldwin, the young heir. Hugh had expected to benefit from the resources of Ramla and Mirabel until Baldwin came of age in 1160. Helvis’ marriage removed Baldwin from his control and denied him access to the revenues of Ramla and Mirabel. This caused Hugh to turn against Queen Melisende and support her son Baldwin III in their domestic power struggle.

When Baldwin III outmanoeuvered his mother and became the sole monarch two years later, Manassas of Hierges was sent into exile, never to return. Helvis of Ramla, however, remained in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and in possession of her fief and her son Baldwin. In 1156, at just 11 years of age, Baldwin was married to Richildis of Bethsan, a maiden of noble birth but not an heiress.[2] In 1158, when Baldwin was still two years short of his majority, his mother died, and his brother Hugh at last became his guardian. In 1160, Baldwin turned 15 and so reached legal maturity.

Baldwin (usually referred to by his title of Ramla in the chronicles) first emerges as an important figure for his contribution to the Battle of Montgisard. Based on the most recent analysis of the battle, the Franks manoeuvered Saladin onto swampy terrain, where the Sultan’s superior numbers could not be brought to bear. This effective use of the topography was possible because the army of Jerusalem was ‘led by a local lord, who knew the terrain better than anybody else on the battlefield’.[3] Despite what numerous modern commentators have alleged, that ‘local lord’ was not Reynald de Châtillon, a Western adventurer who had spent most of the previous fifteen years in a Saracen prison and before that had been Prince of Antioch in the North. It was the nobleman in whose lordship the battle was fought and the man who led the vanguard: Baldwin d’Ibelin.

Meanwhile, after the birth of two daughters, Baldwin separated from his first wife, Richildis, sometime before 1175 when he married Elizabeth Gotman, the widow of Hugh of Caesarea. Elizabeth died childless in 1179, leaving Baldwin free to marry again when the heir apparent, Baldwin IV’s sister Princess Sibylla, became a 20-year-old widow with an infant son. While the High Court of Jerusalem sent to France for a suitable husband, Ramla courted Princess Sibylla directly with the apparent ambition of becoming king-consort.

According to the contemporary chronicle written by a client of the Ibelin family (Ernoul), Princess Sibylla was not disinclined to Ramla’s suit. Unfortunately for Ramla, he was taken captive by the Saracens in June 1179. Saladin demanded the outrageous ransom of 200,000 gold bezants, or twice what was paid for Baldwin II in 1123. The size of the ransom demand, which could never have been raised from Baldwin’s small lordship, suggests that Salah al-Din viewed Baldwin was the next king and  expected the entire kingdom to pay the ransom — as was customary for a captive king.

Ramla’s hopes of gaining a crown through marriage, however, were crushed by Sibylla’s hasty marriage to Guy de Lusignan. Ramla had every reason to be disappointed (not to say outraged) by these developments, particularly because Guy was in no way his equal in terms of status or experience. Ramla’s feelings would have been further complicated by the fact that Guy was the younger brother of his son-in-law; Baldwin’s eldest daughter Eschiva had been married prior to 1180 to Aimery de Lusignan. To add insult to injury, Baldwin IV raised his new brother-in-law Guy to Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, thereby effectively demoting Baldwin from tenant-in-chief to ‘rear vassal’. Most insulting of all, it made Baldwin a vassal of the very man who had just stolen the heiress he’d courted. 

There can be little doubt that this embittered the proud Baldwin of Ramla, but it did not make him a rebel. On at least three occasions between 1180 and Baldwin IV’s death in 1185, Ramla dutifully mustered with his knights when summoned by the king. Indeed, he played a prominent role, with his brother Balian, in defeating the Saracen forces attempting to take the springs at Tubanie in 1183. As long as Baldwin IV and his son Baldwin V ruled, Ramla accepted his fate. He married one last time, Maria of Beirut, by whom he had his only son Thomas after 1181.

The elevation of Guy de Lusignan to the crown in the coup d’etat of 1186, however, proved too much for Ramla to bear. Rather than do homage to Guy de Lusignan, Ramla took the dramatic and unusual step of renouncing his lands and titles in favour of his infant son. ‘It was an extraordinary thing to do. It meant giving up his inheritance, jeopardizing the future of his heirs and abdicating the political and social standing that he, his father and elder brother had nurtured for the past three-quarters of a century’.[4] Baldwin took service with the Prince of Antioch, but he disappears from the historical record after his departure from the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1186.

A man who took such a dramatic step was clearly a man of strong emotions. His hatred and resentment of Guy de Lusignan must have been enormous. More baffling, however, is that his outraged pride was more important to him than power and wealth. Equally notable, if less obvious, is that he was a singularly callous husband and father. He had discarded the mother of his two daughters for no better reason than the chance of a better marriage, and he abandoned his third wife and only son to the dubious mercy of Guy de Lusignan. To be sure, he nominally left his wife and son in the care of his younger brother Balian, but this was legally dubious. A vassal who refuses homage forfeits his fief to his overlord, in this case to none other than Guy de Lusignan. It is a forgotten measure of Lusignan’s chivalry (or his intelligent appreciation of how precarious his situation was) that he took no action to seize Ramla and Mirabel from Balian d’Ibelin, but instead allowed him to control both until Hattin obliterated all the baronies of the kingdom. Baldwin, meanwhile, had earned the obscurity to which his pride had condemned him.


[1] For the dates of birth of Baldwin and Balian, I have followed Hans Eberhard Mayer’s essay ‘Carving up Crusaders: The Early Ibelins and Ramlas’, in Hans Eberhard Mayer, Kings and Lords in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Farnham: Ashgate, 1994), XV, 101-118.

[2] Arab sources allege that, in this same year, Baldwin (a child of eleven) was responsible for oppressing Muslim tenants in villages near Nablus, causing forty families to emigrate to Muslim-held Syria. Since Baldwin was neither of age nor ever in possession of the lordship of Nablus, this account is  confused. The Lord of Nablus in this period was Philip of Nablus, later, Master of the Templars. Nablus did not pass to the Ibelins until 1177 when it was part of Maria Comnena’s dower. From 1177-1187, it was held by Balian, never by Baldwin d’Ibelin. The ‘oppression’ allegedly consisted of forcing Muslims to work on Friday. Many Muslim villagers refused to emigrate, showing that hostility to the Christian lord was by no means as great or widespread as the emigrants later alleged.

[3] Michael Ehrlich, ‘Saint Catherine’s Day Miracle — the Battle of Montgisard’, Journal of Medieval Military History, Vol. XI (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013): 105.

[4] Peter Edbury, John of Ibelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997), 12.

 

Dr. Helena P. Schrader is also the author of six books set in the Holy Land in the Era of the Crusades. Baldwin of Ramla is a major character in Balian d'Ibelin, and Defender of Jerusalem.

                         


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For more about the Ibelins and the world they lived in read:

 

Wednesday, September 27, 2023

The House of Ibelin: Hugh I

 The first Ibelin, Barisan, left behind three sons, Hugh, Baldwin and Balian. This second generation of Ibelins were renowned fighting men, praised by William of Tyre as “noble men, valiant in arms and vigilant in every respect.”[i] Each contributed to the rise of the family in significant ways. Today I discuss the eldest son, Hugh.

Historians conventionally assume that all three were the sons of Helvis of Ramla because no other wife was mentioned in the historical record. However, Hugh immediately came into his inheritance in 1150. Since the laws of the Kingdom of Jerusalem designated 15 years as the age of majority, and a boy under that age required a guardian/regent, Hugh must have been at least 15 in 1150, something not physically possible if he were a child of a marriage concluded in 1138. Furthermore, Hugh played a leading role in the siege of Ascalon three years later, again something he could not have done as an unknighted 14-year-old minor. William of Tyre describes the host that gathered for an assault on Ascalon as follows:

Among the lay princes present were: Hugh d’Ibelin, Philip of Nablus, Humphrey of Toron, Simon of Tiberias, Gerard of Sidon, Guy of Beirut, Maurice of Montreal, Renaud de Châtillon and Walter of St. Omer. These last two served the king for pay.[2]

The prominence Tyre gives to Hugh in 1153 strongly suggests that Hugh was not only a grown man but one who had by 1153 already acquired a considerable reputation at arms.

It is also notable that Hugh only very briefly styled himself Lord of Ramla. This was in the period between Helvis of Ramla’s death in 1158 and the year when his younger brother Baldwin came of age at 15 in 1160. This is consistent with Hugh being the guardian of his brother after Helvis of Ramla’s death (and hence lord of Ramla for his brother) but not entitled to hold the title after his brother came of age.

In short, Hugh was evidently the child of an earlier, unrecorded marriage -- and recent genealogical research suggests she was a native Christian woman resident in Outremer. That Barisan, himself of non-noble birth, would have married a local woman before his elevation into the feudal class is consistent with the pattern of most non-noble settlers in the Holy Land. It would explain why this woman is ignored in later sources when the House of Ibelin was jealous of its status and careful to avoid mentioning anything that might detract from its prestige.

In 1157, Hugh had the misfortune to be one of the ‘prominent men’ taken captive in an ambush laid by Nur al-Din at Jacob’s Ford. King Baldwin III was returning from relieving and fortifying Banyas. Taken completely by surprise, the king barely escaped capture, while Hugh d’Ibelin, along with the Templar master Bertrand of Blancfort and the Templar marshal (and later master) Odo of Saint-Amand, were taken prisoner. Altogether, some eighty-seven Templars and three-hundred secular knights were killed or captured in this ambush. Nur al-Din paraded his trophies — the heads of the killed Franks and his prisoners roped together — through the streets of Damascus before cheering crowds.

Hugh’s captivity came at a pivotal moment in his life. Only shortly before, he had become betrothed to a young woman from the highest echelons of Frankish society, the daughter of Count Joscelyn II of Edessa. At the time of the betrothal, however, the Count of Edessa was in a Saracen dungeon after losing most of his county. Agnes was virtually penniless and already a widow. In short, the marriage brought Hugh no material gain.

Fortunately, his stepmother Helvis of Ramla died in 1158. Hugh, at last, became the guardian of his younger brother Baldwin, the heir to Ramla. He therefore temporarily controlled the income of his brother’s barony of Ramla and Mirabel and could use it to contribute to his ransom. Even so, Hugh was unable to raise his ransom without help. In 1159 he was in Antioch where he met with the Byzantine emperor to thank him for ransom payments, and in 1160 Hugh made a grant to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre in gratitude for their contributions as well.

Meanwhile, Agnes de Courtenay had married his overlord, the Count of Jaffa, Prince Amalric of Jerusalem. At least one account claims that Aimery took Agnes ‘by force’. However, there is no indication of animosity between Hugh and Amalric after Hugh’s release from captivity. Ostensibly Hugh viewed royal contributions to his ransom as more important than Agnes. 

In February 1163, King Baldwin III died unexpectedly. Since his young Byzantine queen had not yet produced an heir, his younger brother Amalric, Count of Jaffa, was the heir apparent. However, the High Court of Jerusalem refused to recognise Amalric as king unless he first set Agnes of Courtney aside. The reason given was that Agnes and Amalric were related within the prohibited degrees, but such an obstacle could easily have been overcome with a papal dispensation. The real reason may have been that the barons of Jerusalem feared Agnes would use her influence to reward her penniless relatives or that her reputation was so sullied she was deemed unsuitable to wear the crown of Jerusalem. Another explanation is that the Church, which viewed a betrothal as sacrosanct, considered Agnes’ marriage to Amalric bigamous. This explanation is suggested in the ‘Lignages d’Outremer’, which claims that no sooner had Agnes been set aside,  she went to Hugh and announced she was his wife. Hugh took Agnes back, but the marriage remained childless. 

In 1167, Hugh played a prominent role in Amalric’s invasion of Egypt. William of Tyre mentions that Hugh was entrusted with constructing a bridge over the Nile and tasked with protecting Cairo. Later in the same campaign, Hugh led an attack on Bilbais, which was under siege. During this engagement his horse fell in the fosse, breaking its neck and Hugh’s leg. According to Ibelin family legend, Hugh’s life was saved by Philip of Nablus, who came to his aid at the risk of his life. [3] Perhaps it was due to this event that Hugh undertook a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in 1169. Thereafter, he disappears from charters and chronicles and is presumed to have died either on pilgrimage or shortly after returning. By 1171, his younger brother Baldwin was styling himself Lord of Ibelin as well as Lord of Ramla.

William of Tyre consistently praised Hugh d’Ibelin as a man of courage, vigor and diligence. It was probably these attributes that enabled him to marry into the highest rank of Frankish society. While the union appears to have brought Hugh little, it greatly benefitted his younger brothers. Through Hugh’s marriage, the younger Ibelin brothers became uncles of the king’s only son, the future king, Baldwin IV.

 


[1] William Archbishop of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, Trans. Emily Atwater Babcock (New York: Octagon Books, 1976), 131.

[2] Tyre, 218

[3] Malcolm Barber, ‘The Career of Philip of Nablus in the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in The Experience of Crusading: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, eds. Peter Edbury and Jonathan Phillips (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 61.

Dr. Helena P. Schrader is also the author of six books set in the Holy Land in the Era of the Crusades.

                         


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For more about the Ibelins and the world they lived in read:

 

Wednesday, September 20, 2023

The House of Ibelin: Obscure Origins

 In the fourteenth century, the Ibelins claimed to be descendants of the Counts of Chartres, but the claim is patently concocted, and modern historians have been puzzling over the roots of the family ever since.

 

Sir Steven Runciman believed the house of Ibelin ‘was founded by the younger brother of a certain Guelin, who was deputy viscount of Chartres, that is to say, the Count of Blois’ representative in Chartres’. He noted that ‘such officers in those days did not enjoy hereditary rank but were often drawn from lawyers’ families’.[i] Peter Edbury, argued that onomastic evidence points to Tuscan or Ligurian (i.e. Italian) origins instead.

Recent genealogical research and DNA samples reinforce Edbury’s thesis, while suggesting further that the Ibelins descended from Italian merchants who immigrated to the Holy Land prior to the First Crusade. There are indications that, although Latin Christians, they had already established themselves in positions of economic and social power under the Abbasids and possibly played a role in aiding the first crusaders take Jaffa and Jerusalem. Such a thesis is hugely exciting and would explain a number of mysteries and anomalies. However, until the results of preliminary research have been published this thesis remains speculative.

Whatever his place of origin, and whatever he called himself before coming to the Holy Land, the first man to identify himself as an ‘Ibelin’ was a certain Barisan. His date of birth is unknown, as is the date he arrived in the Holy Land. The fact that he does not appear to have taken part in the First Crusade, gives credence to thesis noted above that he one of the small minority of Latin Christians already resident in the Levant prior to the First Crusade.  What is certain is that by 1115 he was ‘Constable of Jaffa’, a significant position, suggesting he had made a name for himself and earned the trust of the king. Since such positions did not go to youths unless they were of high birth, we can assume that Barisan was a mature man by that time.

In 1134, he prominently refused to side with his rebellious lord, Hugh of Puiset, Count of Jaffa, siding with the crown, and it may have been for this loyalty that Barisan was rewarded by the king with a fief almost a decade later. In about 1142, the new castle and lordship of Ibelin south of Jaffa was bestowed on Barisan. Notably, he became a vassal of the new Count of Jaffa rather than a tenant-in-chief. Through hard work and loyal service, Barisan had reached the lowest rung of the feudal elite, but he was not yet a baron.

Meanwhile, in 1138, he had married a certain Helvis (or Heloise), daughter of Baldwin of Ramla, one of the barons of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. At the time of this marriage, Helvis was not the heiress; she had a younger brother, Renier. So, this marriage was between a man not yet raised to the nobility and the daughter of a nobleman. It was a good marriage but not a spectacular one. The situation changed, however, when Renier of Ramla died childless in 1148. Suddenly, Helvis was the heiress of the prestigious and prosperous barony of Ramla and Mirabel. (Despite the two names, this was a single barony.) Through sheer luck, a good marriage had turned into a spectacular one.

Barisan had little time to enjoy his increased status. He died in 1150, probably peacefully in his bed of old age; he was most likely more than 60 years old and could easily have been 70 or older at the time of his death.



[i] Sir Steven Runciman, ‘The Families of Outremer: The Feudal Nobility of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099-1291’, The Creighton Lecture in History 1959 (London: University of London Press, 1960), 7.

The bulk of this entry is an excerpt from Dr. Schrader's comprehensive study of the crusader states.

Dr. Helena P. Schrader is also the author of six books set in the Holy Land in the Era of the Crusades.

                         


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